Author: Mark Tiedemann

  • Time For A New Photograph

    Long time ago, when I was but a teen, maybe right on the cusp, just getting interested in photography, my father and I sat up one evening to watch a PBS thing about Ansel Adams.  To this day I cannot find that film—it included a project of his photographing a Hispanic family living on a scrub farm, very rural, lots of kids.  He was working with both 4X5 and a Hasselblad.  It was a detailed film, taking the viewer through the whole process, from shutter-click to processing, to printing.  It had a substantial impact on me and I would like to find that film again, but I’ve even been to the Ansel Adams Museum in San Fransisco and they profess not to know what I’m talking about.  I doubt I dreamed it—until that point I had no idea who Ansel Adams was.

    In any event, there was a tone and approach to the whole enterprise that impressed me.  The man was meticulous, an artist, and he said the word “Photograph” with a kind of reverence that has stuck with me.  They weren’t “pictures”, certainly not “snapshots”, but PHOTOGRAPHS, spoken with a breathy exhalation on first consonant.  I came to associate the word with the best work, the images that really seem to work.  By that token, I have made very few photographs in my life, at least according to the standards I maintain.

    But I’ve reached a point where even the effort to make one merits the appellation, so I tend to call every image I make that is supposed to be serious art (whether it succeeds or not) a Photograph.  Vanity on my part.

    For instance:

     

    I’d like to flatter myself that this is the kind of image that merits the term.  It’s about the symmetry, the balance of the spaces, and the range of tones.  It takes something ordinary and attempts to transform into both a concrete record and an abstract.  Using black & white strips the image to its compositional elements while at the same time the tonal treatment yields nuance.

    Lot of hyperbolic nonsense there.  The main thing is, I like it, it appeals to me, and I hope it’s the kind of thing that will reward multiple viewings.  Like any piece of art, the test is whether or not it exhausts itself after one exposure or if it will stand up to repeated inspection.  That I can’t answer.  Not yet.  A lot of my photographs I enjoy looking at still, many of the older black & whites especially.

    Oh, that’s another thing.  I tend to think of a Photograph as black & white.  This is prejudice, pure and simple, and early programming.  I have to consciously regard color works as Photographs—and I do—but when I hear the word I immediately, automatically, think black & white.  Apologies to all the very fine color photographers out there.

    Anyway, I thought I’d blow my trumpet this morning and indulge a little self-image fantasizing.  Now we can all return to what we were before.  Thank you for your attention and kind consideration.

  • The Final Solution

    No, this isn’t about The Holocaust (capital H) but about something more gradual, systemic, and pernicious.

    Georgia is about to execute Troy Davis.  He was convicted of killing a cop.  There are irregularities in the case, namely a majority of “witnesses” have since recanted their testimony.  The rest of the evidence is circumstantial at best, but the state of Georgia is going to kill him anyway.  He was tried, found guilty, sentenced, and his last appeal was denied.

    I have a simple, unsentimental reason for opposing the death penalty.  You can’t take it back.

    Here is a list of the people exonerated from Death Row since 1973.  From the late 80s on, DNA has become an important factor, but it is a relatively minor one.  Chief factors include witness recantation, capture of the “real” perpetrator, or review of the trial and findings that the State had done a shabby job.

    I do not have a problem with the idea that some people may deserve to die.  Life, in and of itself, is not sacred to me.  It simply is.  And we make choices, some of them bad, and decisions get made that have consequences, and people should be held accountable for their actions.

    If I walk into my home and find someone there, uninvited, who is raping my wife, has killed my dog, and will likely kill my wife when he’s finished, and I can do so, I will kill him.  I have no moral qualms about that, nor any question about my right to do so.  (Yes, I will probably have to go to counseling afterward, because the taking of a life under any circumstances is a Big Deal.)

    But if I come home and find my dog and wife dead already and a month later someone is arrested for it, tried, and convicted of the crime, I do not want him to receive the death penalty.  Maybe that sounds perverse, but it comes down to two simple caveats:  the State tries and convicts innocent people all the time and I do not have 100% confidence that they can do better and if I can’t be 100% sure, I don’t want someone being sure on my behalf, not in something as final as this.

    But secondly, I don’t want the State to wield that power.  Certainly it can be argued that certain crimes are so bad that only death may be proper, but laws change and the crimes under which death is dealt can be determined by politics as much as by justice.  I want the State barred from applying that penalty in all cases because I do not trust that only those crimes with which I may have sympathy will receive it.

    In short, basically, if I catch the son-of-a-bitch doing the crime and put him down, that’s fine.  After the fact, I will settle for incarceration because I do not want the State to have the power of life and death, especially since they do not use it fairly, nor is the system sufficient to guarantee they kill only the criminal.  Obviously they do not.

    By the same token, I do not have the right to go on my own hunt for someone with the view to exact vengeance.  If the State can’t get it right, how can I?  If I miss the chance by not being there when it is done, I can’t recover it and acting on my own is as bad as the State screwing up.

    There are countries where the death penalty is used for adultery or blasphemy.  No, we don’t do that here.  But we do have it for treason, and that, it seems to me, is rife for misapplication.  Society changes, politics is fickle.  We don’t kill people for having sex out of wedlock or cursing or suggesting certain ideas aren’t true.  Today.  I’d rather we begin to accept as a principle that the death penalty is never appropriate and find some other way to deal with our urge for vengeance—because that’s all it really is.  We’ve killed a lot of innocent people with it because we were angry.  Not just.  Angry.

    And you can’t take it back if you find out you had the wrong guy.

  • Bouchercon 2011

    So I have now attended a Bouchercon.

    I’ve attended so many SF conventions that they’ve become, if not normal, at least comfortable.   I pretty much know what to expect.  Bouchercon, while in many ways similar to an SF convention, is different enough that I felt like a newbie and a bit like an outsider.  I don’t know the players, I don’t know all the rules, and I didn’t know what to expect.

    There were no costumes, no gamers, no room parties (at least not open room parties), no art show, and an absence of what I like to think of secondary and tertiary effluvia in the dealers room—that is, tables of jewelry and fake weapons and action figures and the like.  The dealers room was almost all books.  There were a few DVDs and CDs, but 95% of it was books and magazines.

    By Saturday I felt pretty comfortable.  These are people gathered together for the love of a genre and some of the conversation on the panels bridged the gap to SF, confirming that the critical divisions are not between genres but with an Academic snobbery that basically says if it isn’t James Joyce or Hemingway or Pynchon, it’s garbage.  I understood that and subsequently I could talk to these folks without a translator.

    I got to chat (briefly but not frivolously) with Val McDermid and Laura Lippman.  I did attend one publisher’s party, but I ended up leaving soon after arriving because I simply couldn’t hear in the crowd.  An age thing, I think, I’m beginning to lose the ability to separate out voices in groups.

    Bought too many books.  Again.  But then I brought more than twice as many as I bought home—there is a big publisher presence in the form of free copies.  I have stacks to go through.

    As to that, I feel like I’m starting over.  I am profoundly under-read in mystery and thriller.  I recognized many names but then there were so many more I had no clue about.  But that makes it kind of exciting.  I really do have ideas for this kind of fiction.  It will be great to have a chance to write some of it.

    As to whether or not I’ll go to another one…that depends on the status of the career.  Next year’s Bouchercon is in Cleveland.  The year after that, Albany, then Long Beach, and then Raleigh.  If I’m doing well enough, quite likely we’ll go to couple of them.  Wish me luck.

  • New Directions

    I’m attending Bouchercon this week, here in St. Louis.  In the last few years I’ve been drifting toward crime fiction, partly in an attempt to cultivate new fields with a view toward getting my rather stagnant career moving, partly because I’ve always written something like it.

    The Robot Mysteries were, as advertised, mysteries of a sort.  Crime was happening in them, investigators investigated, macabre stuff occurred.  There was a bit of it in Metal of Night and a couple of major thefts (and murders) were integral to Peace & Memory.  Certain Remains was a mystery, even with noir elements, and the one, poor orphaned Terminator novel I wrote, Hour of the Wolf, was very noirish in tone.

    The alternate history, now making its newly-launched circuit in search of publisher, is very much a murder mystery, wrapped around a bit of steampunk.  I moved on from there to write a novel set in the 18th Century that is pretty much a murder mystery and the last book I finished is a straight up and down contemporary murder mystery.  Plans exist to continue all three into future novels.

    So when I wondered to my agent if I should maybe attend Bouchercon (after being reminded by good pal Scott Phillips that it was, y’know, right here in town this year) I got a loud, forceful “Well, yeah!”

    So in view of a potential new career, I’m updating my image a bit, trying it on for size, as it were, and seeing how it fits.  I asked Scott what to expect and he said “Well, for one thing, there are no costumes.”

    “Yeah,” I said, “but really all we have to do is dress well and we’re in costume.”

    To which he laughed and informed me that on average the women dress to the nines and the guys show up in jeans and t-shirts.

    Well.  I think I’ll just go as myself.

    But there are so many of them that it can be hard to choose…

    Tonight the festivities kick off with a pre-Bouchercon get-together in University City at a place called Meshuggah’s where monthly readings take place, a gig called Noir at the Bar.  I’ll be there.

    So will my new agent. (One of them, that is—I have two, which is kind of…wow.)  Yeah, despite my attempt at a cool demeanor, I’m jazzed about that.  Of all the “agents” I’ve had, I have only ever met two of them, both shortly before they left their respective agencies and me.

    Anyway, I probably won’t post anything till next week.  I’m stepping off the platform to head in a new direction.  Here’s hoping it takes me where I want to go.

  • Paying For It

    I just finished listening to a round table of pundits talking about Obama’s new jobs bill and going over the implications and possibilities.  What occurred to me, not ten minutes ago, was that critics of these stimulus packages are not all wrong, nor are they necessarily doctrinaire.

    It’s a natural thing to compare the current situation to the Great Depression (which was a lot worse, but pain is relative) and of course the Progressives are saying that we need federal spending to get out of it.  After all, that’s what we did back then.

    Everyone keeps forgetting a significant difference.  The aftermath of World War II.

    Look: the problem with FDR’s solutions was that they wouldn’t “take.”  He kept pumping money into the economy, one innovative program after another, and as long as the money flowed, people worked, it looked like recovery was on its way.  No one wants to remember (or acknowledge) except perhaps the naysayers that every time Washington cut back, the country slid into higher unemployment and fiscal stagnation.  If the idea was to “prime the pump” and get business moving again, it wasn’t working, at least not fast enough to matter much.  From all appearances, any recovery that looked like what everyone wanted was still going to take a very long time and would require mountains of federal dollars to achieve.

    The War ended the Great Depression.  Spending to fight it, to sustain allies, lifted the unemployment rate from record highs to record lows.  Money flowed like water and the country was back at work.

    That was still federal money.

    Most of it was paid for through War Bonds.  (We forget that, too—WWII was a pay-as-you-go war, which is amazing when you stop to think about it.)

    Now, the question is, why did the recovery “take” in the aftermath?

    Very simple.  The United States was one of the only countries that still had a totally intact industrial machine.  Russia had a big one, but they’d suffered damage.  Also they lacked the transportation and banking systems to do what we did.  Almost no one else could mount the kind of manufacturing effort we could and sustain it the way we did.

    What did we sustain it doing?

    Rebuilding half the world’s industrial base.

    This is not hyperbole.  Through a number of programs, the machinery that built the military might was turned to restoring the productive capacity of most of Europe, Japan, and some of the subcontinent.  We made the boom times of the Fifties and Sixties on the money spent to do that.

    Now the part everyone forgets.  Our banks made the loans to all the countries that we aided for them to turn around and buy all that necessary stuff from us.  The money flowed out and came back with interest in long-term notes.  Yes, many of them defaulted, but it didn’t matter, because the flow of capital had resumed from the time it had stopped in the late Twenties, and a good chunk of that money was flowing into our coffers and paid for the American Golden Age.

    The trouble with the current situation is that we are no longer in a position to do anything like that.  Europe doesn’t need us.  We’ve been getting along selling our debt, and China owns most of that.  Stimulus spending therefore does not go into the kinds of instruments that will send it back to us from other countries that need what we have because they have cheaper sources or their own capacity.

    So the recovery now is going to be the long, slow one that will require changes in our fiscal institutions before we see anything sustainable.  The wars we’re fighting now are not the kind that will result in long-term loans to rebuild those countries and thus allow us to recoup expenditures—they’re just drains.  We are no longer the Last Man Standing after a slugfest, so what we do and what we have no one needs to get back on their feet.

    Nevertheless, we are in a situation where we have to face the fact that the decisions we make in the next decade will decide whether we remain a vital, civilized, progressive nation or will descend into the kind of wallowing third world morass that China was in during the heyday of Mao and the Gangs, a helpless giant.  Whether the Tea Party or John Boehner wants to admit it, the only thing that will get us out of the current doldrums is spending—a lot of it.  So you can either do something to require it from those who still have it or you will have to suck up your ideology and erect that quasi-socialist machine everyone is so terrified of and figure out how to make it work without losing us our essential freedoms.

    What I hear coming from the GOP are plans that will make us strong based on the well-being of a minority.  What I hear coming from Obama is finger-in-the-dyke delay tactics, treating symptoms without addressing causes.  The actual solution is likely to be something neither side wants to consider.

    The world is different.  Time to stop looking to the lessons of the Great Depression for solutions.

  • 9/12

    I didn’t write anything for yesterday’s commemoration.  Many others, most far better suited to memorializing the day, said a great deal.  My paltry mutterings would add little to what is, really, a personal day for most of us.  Like all the big anniversary events, the “where were you when” aspect makes it personal and maybe that’s the most important part, I don’t know.

    Instead it occurred to me to say something about the element of the disaster that puzzles most of us, even while most of us exhibit the very trait that disturbs us deeply in this context.  One of the most common questions asked at the time and still today is in the top 10 is: how could those men do that?

    Meaning, of course, how could they abandon what we consider personal conscience and common humanity to perpetrate horrible destruction at the cost of their own lives.

    The simple answer is also the most complex:  they were following a leader.

    I’m going to string together what may seem unrelated observations now to make a larger point and I will try to corral it all together by the end to bring it to that point.

    Firstly, with regards to the military, there are clear-cut lines of obligation set forth, the chief one being a soldier’s oath to defend the constitution.  There is a code of conduct consistent with that and we have seen many instances where an officer has elected to disobey orders he or she deems illegal or immoral.  There is a tradition of assuming that not only does a soldier have a right to act upon conscience, but that there is an institutional duty to back that right up.  The purpose of making the oath one to the constitution (rather than to, say, the president or even to congress) first is to take the personal loyalty issue out of the equation.

    To underline this a bit more, a bit of history.  The German army prior to WWII was similarly obligated to the state.  German soldiers gave an oath to protect Germany and obey its laws.  Hitler changed that, making it an oath to him, personally, the Fuhrer.  (He left in place a rule explicitly obligating the German soldier to disobey illegal or immoral orders.)

    Unfortunately, human nature is not so geared that people find it particularly easy to dedicate themselves to an abstract without there also being a person representing it.  (We see this often in small ways, especially politically, when someone who has been advocating what is on its own a good idea suddenly comes under a cloud of suspicion.  Not only do people remove their support of that person but the idea is tainted as well.  People have difficulty separating out the idea from the person.  The reverse is less common, that a bad idea taints a popular leader.)  Dedicating yourself to supporting the constitution sounds simple in a civics class, but in real life people tend to follow people.  (Consider the case of Ollie North, whose dedication to Reagan trumped his legal responsibility to uphold the constitution and its legally binding requirement that he obey congress.)

    Next example.  Many years ago, when I was still a teenager looking for a job, I answered an ad for a salesman position.  When I arrived for the interview I found myself in a large room with a group of people all of whom were receiving a sales pitch for the product by one man, who was doing a first-rate job of boosterism for it.  It was a reference book, maybe even an encyclopedia, I don’t clearly remember.  But his pitch was to our potential to make a lot of money selling this product, that it required dedication and belief in ourselves and what we were selling.  He was a good speaker, he got people fired up.

    But he didn’t say much about the product.  My questions concerned that and what it would mean for the consumer, but except for the most cursory description, he talked very little about it.  He summed up his twenty minute pep talk by asking if there was anyone still not convinced this would be a good job.  I and a couple others raised our hands.  When I did so, I expected to be given an opportunity to ask about the product.

    Instead, he gave us a sad look and said “Well, then I’m afraid I’m going to have to ask you to leave.”

    I was stunned and, by the expressions on the faces of the others who’d raised their hands, so were my fellow skeptics.  I said, “You’re not going to ask why?”

    “Please leave,” was all he said.

    Dazed, we left.  I realized much later that what he—his company—were looking for were people who, for their own self-betterment, would be willing to sell anything to anyone.  They did not want skeptics.  It might have been the greatest encyclopedia on the planet, but that didn’t matter.

    The Joyce Meyer Ministries are in town this week, apparently.  This is an institution that makes an overt connection between religious fealty and material success.  People give great amounts of money to it to “spread the word” and some of them achieve a certain amount of success.   As with other grandstanding televangelists, the claim is certainly true for herself, her family, and closest associates, but many people have given everything to her and ended up with nothing.  The deeper question, though, is why would anyone continue to give to her institution if, as she claims, it is faith that actually pays off?  Can’t that be handled privately?  Or in another church or institution?

    Which of course leads one to wonder at the elasticity of the faithful with regards to those ministers who have been exposed as frauds.  I have no real question as to the motives of people like Jim Bakker or Ted Haggerty or Jimmy Swaggart or even Oral Roberts and Pat Robertson.  I do have deep questions about those who continue to follow them despite revelations of impropriety and fiscal deceit and self-aggrandizement.

    I had a customer once who was part of the Democratic Party machine in St. Louis and as long as you weren’t talking about politics he was a good guy.  But when elections were upon us, he would come in an just go on about this candidate or that, and always with the same  “We’ve got to see him elected!”  One year he was working on behalf of someone who had obvious credibility problems (and later was indicted), but his dedication was absolute.  When I pointed out the problems with the candidate, he just looked at me like I had lost my mind.  “But the alternative is a Republican!”  So what? I said.  Better an honest Republican than a crook.  The subsequent harangue I received made it clear that it did not matter who the candidate was or what he or she did, as long as they were Democratic there was simply no question of his support.

    I watched people I knew become absolutely enamored of Ronald Reagan, almost from the start.  As his presidency went on and problems emerged, some simply would not abandon him.  They had dedicated themselves to the man and it didn’t matter what he did.  He made them feel “like a real American.”  There are people still who think Nixon was framed and those still who, despite detailed information about his personal life and his presidential decisions think that Kennedy walked on water.  No doubt there will be those who think Bush was one of the greatest presidents ever.

    When we ask ourselves about the motives behind 911, this all-t00-human flaw must be at the top of the list.  The men who hi-jacked those planes and wreaked all that havoc had been living here.  They saw the people in their neighborhoods, they spoke to us, they breathed our air—and while I am not one of those who sycophantically hold the United States up as the shining model of political perfection and social maturity, by comparison this is a free country, a good country (which makes our failings and shortcomings all the more painful, because we have fewer excuses)—and yet they did that.  It is legitimate to ask “where were their consciences?  Where was their skepticism?  Where was their ability to make valid judgments?”

    Many would like to believe that such men are so different that they cannot be understood.  They weren’t rational, they weren’t “normal,” they weren’t Like Us.

    No?  How many of us questioned Bush’s program?  How many of us on this day ten years ago would not have backed his program?  Even in Congress, very few stood up to say “Wait a minute, what are we doing?”

    Yes, I know, it’s more complicated than that.  And it is.  But then, it’s more complicated for the other guy, too.  And yet, it comes down to something very similar—go where the leader tells you to, do what the leader orders.  Ask no questions, after all the leader knows best.

    Cults work because people want to follow a leader.  They have little trust in their own decision-making abilities, little confidence in their own ideas, even their own personalities.  On some level, the need for validation from a guru is essential for their ability to even get out of bed in the morning.  And I’m not talking about Moonies or Krishna or even the Sword and the Arm of the Lord or Aryan Nation, I’m talking about ordinary people with normal lives who dedicate a part of their psyches to an external source of affirmation.  It can be anything from a favorite musical group to a politician to a preacher, or even something as intimate as a lover or a friend, or something both intimate and impersonal, like AA or Alanon or a survivor’s support group.  What makes this hard is that the tendency is not always bad but sometimes is very positive, very necessary.

    It is all-too-easy to hand over too much of yourself to someone else because it is easier than doing the necessary work for yourself.  Most of us do something like this at one time or another, probably a lot of us transfer our dedication from one thing (or person) to another regularly, in a kind of psychic load-sharing routine.  But some of us simply invest everything in one place, one person, and surrender our ability, even our right, to withdraw, to question, to say no when a demand becomes unreasonable or the relationship toxic.

    I don’t believe in people that way.  I don’t believe in anything that way.  I don’t draw my validation from a blind commitment to a guru.  I did at one time but I grew out of it and now I find it bizarre when I encounter someone who does that to the point of being unable to accept criticism of the little god at the center of their being.

    Which has led me to understand a reaction I’ve had for a long time.  Maybe we’ve all felt this.  When someone comes up to you and starts going on about how so-and-so or this-and-that saved their life, is the greatest thing ever, is the reason they function, I—and probably most everyone—automatically pull back, suspicious and a bit uncomfortable at the protestations of fealty.  I get uncomfortable around the hyper-patriotic and the extremely religious who insist on telling you how much they love their country or their god.  I wrote a little about that here.  I feel, justifiably or not, that they aren’t quite rational about this and maybe not quite reliable.  If the choice came between doing what was right and following their guru into hell, what would they do?

    I don’t like that feeling, but I think I understand it now.  That level of dedication to something external suggests to me that they aren’t all there, that they’re using that dedication to make up for an absence of Self, and not just any self, but the self that can act independently of blind faith.  I find I don’t entirely trust them.

    And it could be a lack of trust about almost anything.  When faced with that kind of dedication, I find myself almost automatically shutting down certain lines of communication, self-censoring, placing certain topics off-limits.  I don’t know what kind of reaction I’ll get if I say certain things.  I don’t know what this person will do if they feel I threaten their guru.  Most likely cut off similar lines of communications with me.

    But that apparent inability to separate out a personal zone of skeptical self-awareness from the object of their obsession tells me that they will not always act on rational premises.  Actions may take the form of insisting certain books be removed from library shelves all the way to…flying planes into skyscrapers.

    The 911 hijackers had to indulge a kind of interpretive censorship about everything they saw or heard in this country during their stay.  But it was an interpretation based not on their personal standards of right and wrong, their own skeptical assessment, but on what they had been told they would see by their guru.  Their guru used their culture to reinforce his vision and they had surrendered enough of themselves to his vision that they committed an atrocity.

    The difficulty in all this is that we all interpret things based on who we listen to and what we’ve heard.  What the hijackers did, up until the moment they boarded those planes, was not particularly different from what any group does that is dedicated to a cause that seems to run counter to the larger culture.  Eco-terrorists go through the same processes.

    I have always held myself apart from the influence of gurus.  Or tried to.  I will use my own judgment, thank you, and often it puts me at odds with momentary protestations of fealty for ideas or persons that I might even agree with, at least in part.    It’s hard work, continually reassessing—which part is me and which is them—and I can understand the impulse of hermits to extract themselves entirely from a culture in order to try to find which is which.  But that doesn’t work, either, because we need feedback in order to perfect judgment.

    The lesson of 911 for me was not new but came with added force:  it is never good to follow a guru.  You may agree with someone, work with someone, associate yourself with their ideas, even like them, but trailing along after them like children after the Piper is never good.  Because you must always be able, when they one day turn to you and say “You have go do X for the cause,” to tell them no.  You have to be able to do so even if you don’t.  You may judge that what they’ve told you to do is a good idea—but you must make your own judgment.  It’s a pretty safe bet that if they tell you to go kill a bunch of people in the name of X, they do not have your or anyone else’s best interests at heart.

    That goes for gurus, cults, churches, and governments.

  • Fiction Matters

    What I do puzzles some people.  Always has, even before I was doing it.  All those jokes about bookworms have a solid basis in real experiences—a great many people in our lives do not understand the importance of reading.  Worse, they have no clue about the pleasures of reading, which often makes me very sad.

    I was followed around the play ground at school once by three of my classmates who were determined to stop me from reading.  I don’t even remember the book anymore, only that I had finally found a way to enjoy recess, one that took me out of the rough-and-tumble of schoolyard hierarchical nonsense.  But after a couple of months of slipping out of the actual, fenced-in playground and finding a spot behind the bushes fronting the stone wall of the church and sitting there till the bell with a book, a trio of “friends” found me and took my book away.  You can imagine the game of keep-away that ensued, a game I never won.  The teacher caught us—we were technically out of the playground, which was a no-no—and the issue was resolved, as far as I’m concerned, in their favor: I had to return to the general population.  (This kind of thing happened all the time, every time I thought I’d found a way to avoid having to be Out There with the rest of them.  Always the kids making it difficult for me ended up losing me my privilege.  Taught me a lot about how power works in a bureaucracy.)

    Anyway, I kept trying and found new places to hide and these same three kept rousting me out and taking my book away.  Finally I found a place inside the school, up in a room above the stage in the gymnasium that no one else seemed to know about.  They never found me there.

    But my point is, they just didn’t get it.  Even those who didn’t ridicule me about it tended to be baffled.  What, you’re reading a book?  For  fun?  (To be fair, right about age 13, several of the girls “got it” and for a brief time I was popular with them because I provided them with books they otherwise might never have gotten their hands on.)

    So now I write.  Most of the people I associate with now are either writers or readers.  My “group” if you will includes almost no one who doesn’t read.  But I don’t live under a rock so I do run into people from time to time who exhibit dismay at the very idea of writing fiction.

    Well, The Guardian  has an article which provides some ammunition against such dismay.  Seems reading fiction promotes empathy.  Interesting, that.  In a country in which reading for pleasure is a minority indulgence, all you have to do is look around at the current political landscape and notice how much this may explain.

    Of course, to those of us who’ve been reading since we were old enough to hold a book in our lap this is nothing new.  It’s just nice to have it recognized.

    (Although I must admit that my empathy for those assholes who tormented me in school has never been much more than formal or, shall we say, academic?)

  • A Few Questions For the GOP

    President Obama is making his big speech tonight to a joint session of Congress to put forth his new jobs ideas. Naturally, the Republicans have responded ahead of time and have all but said they’re not interested. This is really helpful.

    I have a few questions, though, for the Republicans ahead of time, some things that have been bugging me for a while.

    According to Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, “we need to stop doing what we’ve been doing.” He goes on to enumerate those things. Stop spending, stop threatening tax increases, and roll back the “big wet blanket of this explosion of regulation” on the private sector. Nothing new here, it’s standard by now. Pull the string on a Republican’s back and you hear the same litany.

    Cut spending, reduce taxes, eliminate regulation. Yadda yadda yadda.

    Here’s my first question.

    If you’re running a business and you’re faced with shrinking revenues, does it make sense to cut the price of your product?

    Okay, I know there’s an answer to this that makes sense. If you see a trend toward reduced revenues, cutting the price can make the product more attractive and theoretically increase the volume of sales. You can make up the difference then by quantity.

    That only works if the slide isn’t too severe. If you cut the price below your costs and volume doesn’t increase, then to continue that policy is a guarantee of bankruptcy.

    So…?

    Hm. Okay, regulation. Is everyone’s memory so short that we can’t remember back in 2008 when the financial markets crashed and burned and everyone knew it was because we had deregulated the industry so much that bubbles were allowed to grow uncontrolled and firms were pillaging their customers’ accounts on risky ventures that ought to have been illegal? It was the consistent roll back of regulations that put us in that position. So how is deregulating further supposed to be good for us?

    Oh, they mentioned environmental regulations, right. Like it makes sense to use the environment as a toilet just to increase jobs. I forget, the GOP keeps expecting industry to behave morally if they take off the regulations. I would like to see evidence of that ever having worked.

    What’s that? No answer?

    Okay, then, tax cuts. Here we go again. We have to lower taxes on business in order to get them to…

    What? Spend more money on reinvestment and hire more people?

    We have been cutting taxes on business and wealth since Reagan was in office. There has been a steady decline in the corporate income tax rate for 30 years. The result has been the wholesale shipping of jobs overseas. Why? Because it’s cheaper and taxes have nothing to do with it. There is no quid pro quo. We have cut their taxes, they have promised to do more for the country, and less has been done.

    I would like to know what you intend to do to make sure that the increased revenues business will enjoy as a result of those cuts will be spent here. How are you going to guarantee that cutting the taxes on, say, Exxon or Monsanto or GM or any of them will become reinvestment in this country and not simply go to increase the dividend payments of shareholders while the companies themselves build another new plant in Indonesia or India or somewhere else where labor goes for a dollar a day and no money is set aside for pensions or health care?

    My simple questions are essentially the same ones Mitch McConnell is asking the president. Why are you still beating these dead horses and expecting a different outcome? There is clearly a disconnect. You’ve been passing legislation for 30 years now to benefit business and America has been gradually stripped of middle class jobs and the capacity to renew itself. But you keep harping on that same theme.

    Not that what Obama has been proposing is much better, but at least his spending is aimed at Americans and not corporate entities. Well, some of it anyway, and it just seems that all GOP efforts are aimed at helping out business.

    Excuse me? The Republicans are talking about citizens, too? Sorry, then explain to me the reversal of someone like Senator Lugar, who nine months ago was a big supporter of the payroll tax rollback but now is condemning is as a short term do nothing solution? Perhaps I am jaded, but when I hear that it sounds like he’s saying “But this tax cut doesn’t benefit the people who put me in office, it’s just…just…people.”

    The Great Depression ended because of massively increased federal spending. There are no two ways about it. FDR spent and spent and spent and the economy sluggishly responded. It didn’t end until WWII started—but hey, all that money was federal spending. We were at war, we organized to win it, and the Depression ended. The sluggish recovery got supercharged. But it was still federal spending.

    Because here’s the reality—there is a lot of money in the accounts of large businesses. They’ve pretty much recovered and we have helped them do that. Right or wrong, we bailed them out and now they’re whole. But they’re not spending any of it! So my last question.

    If you take off all the regulations and end all the taxes on these entities, what makes you think they’ll spend that money here? There’s no law demanding that they do. What makes you think they won’t continue to do what they’ve been doing?

    I’m just curious.